Home Entertainment Seminario WinEED-EfD | The Evolution and Persistence of Women´s Roles: Evidence from the Gold Rush

Seminario WinEED-EfD | The Evolution and Persistence of Women´s Roles: Evidence from the Gold Rush

by smart

good morning and good afternoon everyone so today we have uh sandra aguilar gomez from us san diego uh just a quick reminder of the rules of the seminar we have a 40 minutes presentation plus 20 minutes discussion during the presentation we will allow clarifying questions that you can send to me and i can actually interrupt the speaker at this stage and ask the questions and then we’re gonna open the floor for discussion we will operate with moderated questions so you can rise raise your hand and then i’ll i’ll i will unmute you and then you can ask directly your question to the speaker uh so sandra the floor is yours awesome oh there we go um well thank you so much for uh this space uh this paper is doing work with angela benjamin a professor for from uh bernard college at columbia and the title is evolution and persistence of women’s roles and we look at this phenomenon at the specific context of the gold rush so the research question driving this project is the following those natural resource driven scarcity of women affect local gender roles gender roles and if these effects exist do they perceive over time and here we’re just to be clear about the definition of gender roles we are defining gender roles as socially constructed roles behaviors activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women and i highlight activities and attributes because i will inform more about later we’re using census data so what we can see is what people do and how people are like so that’s the limitation to our construct validity there is um of course in end in trying to answer this question a potential reverse causality issue the missing literature women that uh sen is a pioneer of uh shows that the sex ratios uh the scarcity of women can be culturally determined and that regions when uh culture exhibits a large sun preference are an example of this phenomenon so then uh past work in the literature that tries to look at the relationship between uh the sex ratios and um and other outcomes has to have you have used uh sorry natural experiments which can vary from um differential uh draw and death rates from world war ii uh imprisonment imprisonment rates and convicts sent to australia are some examples of the variation that has been used um in in in previous work the second relevant literature related to this work is a literature on extractive industries and and gender in which uh which looks then instead of shocks in the sex ratio had shocks in uh in natural resource presence so discoveries or closures of uh oil coal or other minerals are exploited to look at its impact on um labor market relationships between men and women and it has been found in some contexts that women tend to be crowded out uh whenever um this natural resource runs out and the men stop working in the extractive industry and move to to other industries that the labor force participation of women that might be uh boosted by economic development does not survive once this resource has been depleted so in this in this paper uh we exploit both things at the same time we exploit the discovery of gold deposits across the us counties in the 19th century and uh to use this uh geographical treatment we use a set of geographical controls uh to rule out the endogeneity of the of the settlers location of all the people who went to to migrate it to the gold rush and you we use the controls uh following the literature alessina most famous uh most famously but also cotenier and their quothers and grojan and their quattros and uh so exploit the politically exogenous year of gold deposit discovery and in the short run we allow for endogenous selective immigration there’s no way around this uh but i think there’s still a lot of interesting uh takeaways and and insights that we can get from our analysis uh we look at labor market and marriage market outcomes for women in the short and in the long run and in the long run we show that uh this industrial persistence uh has faded out and in some specifications we control for industrial persistence and we show that ethnic uh differences in ethnic composition between gold mines both counties and non-gold counties have mostly dissipated so the context to reinforce it a little uh is the gold rush so as you might know uh the first after the first discovery in a gold mine in california the entire world rushed in to the region starting in 1849 and the histories and the stories that we have read about the gold rush are mostly stories about men and told by men so another contribution of this work is to look at uh what how was the economic lives of women during this period uh of the history of the us uh there are some quality qualitative and anecdotal archival records uh that have been retrieved from correspondence and diaries that reflect that they’re the women were entrepreneurial in this region and that they work in laundry restaurants lodging or as entertainers which means there were a lot of prostitutes as well and that they could from exploiting this lack of women of marriageable women they could uh make a lot of money by producing home goods and selling them in the market so laundry restaurants and even places to stay because it’s where at the beginning camps if you um if you remember on the other hand they had plenty of marriage opportunities in a in a time in which their social norm was not for married uh women to works and then so then there are these two potentially uh competing channels of what will be the economic role of women in a context like this and we try to to pass out what is going on and look at these outcomes this is the region of study we look at the for arizona oregon nevada and california for the states that have online discovery significant mind discoveries during the period of the gold rush and uh we observed this interesting pattern that is on one hand there is variation uh high county variation in mind intensity this map shows the number of mines per county which varies between zero and more than 80. and um this map looks very similar to the map on the right which is the map of the sex ratio that is men per women that varies between less than 1.2 to almost five men uh per woman in certain in certain counties and just as referenced the average sex ratio in in the u.s today is um 0.98 so less than one men per woman per woman and this is more or less the norm in most of the world except for the countries that exhibit sun preference and the missing women phenomenon where we can see up to one point uh two uh 1.3 uh men per woman so this was these were certainly extreme levels uh of uh women’s scarcity especially at the beginning so we use uh of course there are no service uh opinion service from the gold rush so we use census data for many years cesar recently released historical census data between 1870 and 1940 and we use all these years there are some missing decades because of fires wiping out the record offices that is the case of uh i think 19 1890 and uh we used uh repeated cross-section at the county level but we do in the treatment but we do have individual level observations so we can control for individual level factors in women uh we use the us geological survey minimal resources data sets uh on the discovery of uh year rich mind and we keep all the minds that are primary or secondary gold uh production and just uh the figure on the left is uh just a visual representation of what this the previous map shows so there is a positive correlation between the number of uh mines in a county and the uh male female sex ratio in that county so one i think last thing about uh the data is that um well and then there is a little bit close to my heart is that we don’t have a before because as you i know this region didn’t belong to the us before the gold rush so unfortunately we can’t see that before the treatment but afterwards um we have there is a little consistency in the county boundaries in the first years uh in 1850 and 1860 so we start our analysis in 1870 when we can get consistent county boundaries through time and we can successfully uh impute treatment and control status to people um so this is your two submarine statistic graph the main takeaway from this breath that i want to have is uh two actually number one there are the sex ratios are very skewed throughout uh the entire population pyramid but obviously more skewed in the uh in the younger in the younger people which is the age in which men just brought in uh more to to try to get rich uh with gold although most of them were not very successful um the second takeaway that i want you to get from this slide is that the difference there are difference in occupational structure at the county level which means uh people did live where their minds were there wasn’t such thing as a commute so in my in counties where there were no mines 99 of people didn’t have an occupation and on minus a mining occupation sorry and in counties with mines there was a share of population uh that were minors at the beginning of the in the 1880 census so empirical strategy for to talk to about empirical strategy first perhaps i should share a little bit more about the conceptual framework that that we are uh looking at uh we have a mining shock and in this case is the unexpected discovery of abundant gold resources in a specific region that creates income opportunities for men which in turn caused male bias migration to the region and consequently skewed sex ratios so the mining truck itself can have direct effects on the labor market because of the type of resource that it is but also through the sex ratios that affect women’s uh and men’s labor for participation the type of um the type of service industry that this place will have and also the sex ratios of course affect the marriage market and that and also the march market and the type of assertive matching that happens in the marriage market will have an effect on the labor market so everything um is a little bit convoluted but the way things are usually alters the way that people think they should be so this affects uh gender roles in terms like i said in behaviors attitudes and attributes and what we try to argue uh is that in the long run once uh the skewed sex ratio has mostly dissipated and there is a no mining industry effect if we see a persistence in some of these uh gender roles then we can call them gender norms and so we will try to argue a little bit for that with the evidence that we have it can be hard with historical uh research the first thing that we do is to estimate the direct effects of gold mining on women’s and men’s outcome so the average treatment effect uh that we estimate is uh obtained from a spatial difference in difference using mind discovery in which the outcome of we look at the outcome of interest that is labor and marriage market outcomes for women and men in all of these central years and then the treatment is whether in 1870 uh so before the presence that we use this was a gold gun if this person lived in a in a county that was that had nine discoveries before 1870 and we use a set of fixed effects geographical controls individual level uh controls and of course the robust standards so first um an important um the first result that i want uh to show you is um how in the difference between the treated and the control that in the counties are in panel a and the treated counties are in panel b and how this difference these differences uh evolve over time so the dotted line is the sex ratio between all of the years in all the years that we have available and we see that it converges um to one this is the tax ratio normalizes in non-mining counties and pretty much the same is happening in mining counties um in terms of the marriage rates the marriage rate for men follows the opposite strength as a sex patient so we see that marriage rate for men increase over time as the sex ratio um normalizes while uh women are have consistently higher uh marriage rates throughout or almost consistently higher margin rates for attendant time than women in a non-mining countries and we see a sort of a more incomplete convergence between my re of marriage rates between men and women in mining counties and in non-mining countries which is an interesting pattern on itself now going year by year we start at 1880 and we look at the differences with all of these controls that i mentioned but are not included for the sake of space in in this slide but we see that being in a mining county decreases uh labor’s force labor force participation for women um but it increases the probability that they’re working in service uh in the service sector or uh as libraries or this part this positive uh coefficient is consistent with the literature on um mineral resources and and how during this boom there are employment opportunities for women in the in the service sector but this negative coefficient on working a potential uh interpretation is that since women are scarcer the more scarce they are the more um up higher up they can marry and their then less um will be their need to work the second uh set of outcomes that we look have to um upload with the marital marriage market sorry so this pattern of women working less in mining counties does correspond with women being more likely to be married and having more kids in general and having a larger age gap with their spouse so as soon as some as a woman has a marginal age probably she just gets married uh there are a lot of prospects for her might be um an interpretation for this in terms of the divorce there are there were some um anecdotal uh or written evidence that suggested that divorce might be more acceptable um for women in this area because they were so so stars that if they divorce they could easily get married again without so much stigma because it’s better to have a divorce like them no wise um however the variable measures doesn’t measure if the woman has ever been divorced it measures if the woman is divorced at that precise moment of time so if women get divorced but marry remarry very quickly after we can’t really capture that in the in the sense so um he wants to seem to not be able to do not have a variable that measures if he was ever uh divorced then as i uh he did before we look at the persistence anticipation of this pattern that we see for women’s life in the early days of uh on the relatively early days of the of the gold rush so we observed dissipation in cultural background differences so by 1940 uh this graph shows uh the difference uh the percentage difference in parents country and city of origin between mining and non-mining districts we have 1.4 million observations to get this this difference for all the people who answered that question in the census and we see that the distribution is largely center around zero uh so at least in terms of ethnic uh background measured at measure as where were your parents born there are no uh different significant differences between many and non-mining countries by 1940. then we look at whether there was a dissipation in occupational structure difference so we conducted the same tests to see which differences in percentage of people working in different sectors were statistically significant for uh all the occupations or um available and of course there are some differences that prevail people who say uh that’s for this type of uh profession so in 1940 there are still some differences between non-mining counties and mining counties however if we some not the difference for the total of people who worked in this profession in this type of professions that are unbalanced is 35 000 people so then by that time the region has a population of almost 7 million so it’s less so than the imbalance in occupational structure is less than 0.5 of the population by 1940. however we do see some interesting patterns of persistence in some social differences between mining and non-mining countries so this graph shows the coefficients as in the brief table before but for every year of the census so for example for working men um we see that the differences between mining and non-mining counties kind of flutter around and there is no clear pattern throughout the censuses between 1870 and 1940 women do seem to be consistently less likely to work in mining counties throughout uh 1870 to 1940 and 1940 is almost 100 years after the gold rush and there is still difference female labor force participation marriage for men seems to converge uh pretty uh halfway through you could say once the sex ratios have more or less normalized and marriage rate for women remains consistently higher in mining counties than in non-mining counties and we see that in terms of fertility women have more children in mining countries and non-mining countries during the during this entire period consistent with them being more married and working less and with men of course at the beginning they’re not enough women to have children with but once um but they follow the same pattern and once the sexuations have been normalized they they have they’re more likely that have more children on average in mining than in non-mining uh regions so then there is the question of whether this is a mechanical impact of the of the tax rates because skill tax ratios make it harder uh for people to get married if there are not enough marriageable uh individuals in one side of the of the story um or whether there is something specific about the extractive industries and in this case in the gold uh in the type of economy that surges around uh gold and these type of minds uh that creates uh these different roles for men and women so what we do for that is to do some mediation analysis um but the first motivation to do that is that this is uh the sex ratio and the gold mines are really correlated um so then however we know that the sex ratios are a consequence of the mining presence of the presence of mines uh in those areas so the gold didn’t search because more men were there more men arrived because gold was there and that is very clear so then in the regressions that i showed you before uh we can try to horse race here and and control for the sex ratio but we do have a problem of endogenous control here so it is not ideal to do this and can generate a series of biases um so what we do is to try to overcome these problems using mediation analysis to get a sense of how much the effect of the gold rush is due to skewed sex ratio as i mentioned before controlling for a post-treatment variable like the sex ratio may lead to bias estimates um as proposed by a lot of people in the past like berlin pearl 2001 romans 2010 and acharya and their quarters in 2016. so what uh is proposed by pearl and robbins is the average controlled direct effect which is a ch the effect of changing the treatment a this is from switching from non-gold to gold mining while fixing the value of the mediator at some level m in this case while fixing the sex ratio at the average of the entire region so this is what and and this equation is that uh basically in uh in rigorous uh terms however there are some assumptions to estimate the average control direct effect through the sequential g estimator which is the method proposed uh by this by this paper the first assumption is that there is no omitted variable for the effect of mines on uh women’s outcomes that’s effect of a and why conditional on the pre-treatment confounder so there is um so this just means that what happened early in the literature we should try to to condition on as many uh pre-treatments all these geographical uh factors the characteristics of the land all the things that happened before uh the gold rush the second condition is that there is no immediate variable for the effect of the mediator on the dependent variable conditional on the treatments on goals all the geographical controls and intermediate confounders and indeed and in this case we tried to add as many uh pose treatment characteristics to this uh sequential g estimator as we can that is um different levels of urbanization different age structure and and racial structure that happen uh that we observe in the in the years during the gold rush so to implement the sequential distributor there are two stages in the first stage we want to estimate the effects we can call or the correlation we can call it if we want uh of m this is the sex ratio on y conditional on all of the other variables and we use this specification and for this uh first step in equation number three our coefficients of interest are going to be the ones that capture the the correlation with m so it’s alpha 2 and alpha 5 in order to get also the interaction with treatments the second stage is called the mediation function because uh this function captures the effect of switching from each level of the mediator to the mean of the mediator so this is not a regression this is a a post estimation of a y tilde that is the difference between each y and the and these coefficients with their um with their interactions and then in the third stage we get the average control direct effect which is our parameter of interest beta 1 or can be because the effect of the mediator will also be interesting and i’ll show you that of treatments by regressing is the mediated outcome white children on only the treatment and the pre-treatment confounder so we are no longer including endogenous controls in this in this regression so here is a table that compares the average treatment effect as presented in panel a of every table with the uh bad control specification that horse races with sex ratio and then the average control direct defect and um i think it’s interesting that for example for the effect on working um the average treatment effect and the average control direct effect there is a decrease this means and the difference so between these two remember that this one is trying to capture only the effect on gold so then the difference between the total effects and the effect on and this effect that it comes just from gold is our estimation of the strength of the sex ratio mechanism which i will show you in the following slide um so for for the probability of working there is a difference uh but the the average control direct effect is still statistically significant in the case of probability of marriage it seems like uh once we pass out the sex racial mechanism there is no longer statistically significant difference in the marriage rates between gold and non-vote counties uh but there is a statistical statistically significant difference although it shrinks uh quite a lot in the number of children uh bare women and just uh to specify that the that the standard errors are non-parametric uh sorry the confidence intervals are non-parametric bootstrapped uh 95 confidence intervals based on a thousand three samples um and iterations of the of the sequential d estimation so like i said um graph shows the bootstrap distribution of the difference between the 80 that is the overall effect of the gold rush and the average control effect which is just the effect of gold without the sex ratio and this so this uh difference uh is a measure of how strong a role the sex ratio plays in the link between the gold rush and women’s outcomes and we can see that for all that’s um for all the outcomes of interests that are included in this slide uh it never gets even close to zero so there are no iterations in which the effects of the of the sex ratio are zero and the and the mechanisms uh are quite strong for the marriage rate are almost all the effect uh so if you see them in here is pretty much all the effects on uh initially observed on their marriage rate uh for for children is about half and for the probability of working is a little bit less um the last takeaway that we can get uh from the uh from these mediation analysis is that the interaction part so the sex ratio and the presence of minds interacts in such a way that if we estimate the average control direct effect for different levels of sex ratio we don’t get a straight line so we will get um heterogeneities in the effect of uh or in the or in the relationship between uh cold minds and the outcomes of women depending on um where we are in the distribution how extreme is the distribution of the sex ratio so most of the survey observations are around here as you can see from this i know i forgot the name of this type of line but most of the observations are here so which is why these coefficients uh ends up being negative these coefficients ends up being positive and this coefficient and so on being positive but they even the average controller the effect hides important heterogeneities that might be worth uh exploring in in future work so i think that i am almost out of time i like i kind of went a little bit fast maybe and sorry about that but uh in summary we find that in gold mining counties the sex ratio was about 20 percent higher than in non-gold counties in these places women were less likely to work but conditional on working they are more likely to work in the service and industry and they are more likely to get married and have more children these effects persist some of this the higher marriage rates can be observed in 1940 that are almost 100 years after the initial rush of people into the california region uh and these go along with lower labor force participation for women also almost 100 years after uh although the stimulated service sector effect that we saw in the first iterations of the census does disappear by the end of this of them by the next census so by 18 90 900 there is no longer a stimulated service effect for women which also is might lead to a discussion about the sustainability of the extractive uh sector uh we observed potentially worrying patterns of depressed female labor force participation after a mining bust which is consistent with uh what has been found by uh constant antolonen for the case of uh mines in nigeria and for aragon and their co-authors um the mediating role of the sex ratio is also an interesting takeaway because it drives large heterogeneity in the average control direct effect of and the second takeaway is that a significant proportion of effects um are not driven by the presence of natural resources but by skilled sex ratio so in terms of policy relevance it means that efforts to include women in extractive industries only might not suffice in the absence of efforts to change the overall culture of a region that might have more historically rooted audience and that is it uh thank you for your attention and um i’m happy to answer your comments or questions here or at my email thank you sandra i don’t know i mean let’s open the q a but i don’t know if people have any questions you can raise your hand i have a short questions for you um oh yeah ximena ximena has a question as well um have you actually checked if any other shocks between 1840 and 94 let’s say any war or anything something like that can actually uh have any effect on migration that could actually change the sex radio because these type of shocks affects mainly a man so in terms of migration uh but migration only of men you know so you’re thinking about other things that could keep the sex special so we haven’t uh we haven’t done that we haven’t felt the need because what we observe is a curve of convergence in the sex right now the secretary normalizes in the end so there were no uh weird patterns in the sex ratio for us for us to try to try to explain um so in that sense it didn’t seem necessary so far ximena you have a question as well yes congrats so i was thinking more about your identification strategy and trying to think of ways um since you say that you don’t have a pre-treatment period uh i was wondering if the discovery of the gold rush of the of the gold or if the treatment was um how do you say if it was like in one year or if it was gradual if it there is variation in treatment in terms of time between counties or not i that didn’t what that wasn’t very clear to me yes so so far that is something that we could do before like probably in the in the next uh steps because so far we use um the treat we use the original treatment so they before our period of analysis before 1880 the treatment is uh whether there it was a county with gold or not and and we do this also with mine intensity so how many counties were there by 1870 in this county and um and the results are more or less are quite comparable are very comparable they’re in the in the in every person there was still using just a treatment and control versus the the number of mice um it is hard to um to try to argue since most of the minds most of the mine discovery and the and the period in which mining was an actually important part of the economy was really just the early years of the gold version and uh and then the history and the stories told about uh about the chorus describe how um short lasting was uh and how it didn’t um make a lot of people reach uh during uh during that that period so it was this discoveries at the beginning that brought a lot of people and then it didn’t give as much as it was uh supposed to give so it wasn’t uh in terms of um how this this history is told uh it wasn’t super relevant to law to look at later minds but i think that uh it’s probably a good point it’s probably a really good check to see if after the cold rush new discoveries new mind discoveries between census uh have right further differences uh between these places yeah and i was also gonna ask you if if you could check parallel trends or not with this design or with this if we could check for one for the parallel trends assumption no because um because so we end up having to argue so that is why include all these geographical controls like type of terrain latitude longitude the weather um the rivers the distance to the capital um a lot of free controls more like a la alessina and um and authors because yes we don’t have a pretend uh to back uh our results because the there is no census before uh the the mine the mining discoveries so it’s more like the historical origins um different uh planting divergent paths between mining places and non-mining places where there was potentially a lot of selective like selective migration at the beginning and and it’s hard to argue that these populations uh were really comparable at the beginning because different people migrated at different times so then what we do or i think what is interesting about the paper is uh number one the persistence part we see how some of these differences persist over time even a hundred years later we see this we see these differences and the second part is uh just answer these questions that it that it can be a question of of correlation or of of prediction or a descriptive question uh the mediation part how much is really explained uh by the coders itself and how much is that an effect of of the sex ratio and then if you if you believe in the assumptions and that all the controls that we that we added more or less warrants the assumption one and assumption two then then you can interpret that as causal um thank you so much it makes sense now thank you thank you camilo and hernan also have questions i don’t know if you want to ask the question first and then sandra can answer uh both of them okay sandra congratulations this is this is very interesting work and not being an expert on the gold version on california is it’s just fascinating to learn about this and that the question is to to try to to derive lessons and and i’m still intrigued how much of this is social norms and how much of this is the economic incentives for women to devote their labor to activities that were complementary to the cold extraction and there was a demand for labor from women to attend certain services that are required by the government but there might be the other side the the social norms not to get women into the actual activity of gold extraction and this may have to do with the how profitable it was to to dedicate labor to extract the gold as opposed to these other services so i wanted to to hear a little bit more about that what you know and then bring that home because when we think of the gold extraction particularly in contexts like colombia or south america you you find this bimodal model the bimodal model being the large scale gold extraction today guided mostly by men in in so many dimensions the the the mining industry in in most of the latin american countries suffers from huge gender inequalities whereas in the informal sector you see uh more gender balance and my many more women devoted to the actual extraction activity in the small artisan scale of gold extraction so i i wanted to hear how much is it that the social norms and how they evolve and how much are they actual market incentives to to devote certain tasks to certain genders of course yeah so um um now that’s a great question because then i i should have been really clear about that so they at the economics i think that the the the whole uh literature the perspective of the economics of culture uh i think that has like two main uh i don’t know like driving uh driving lessons the first one is that norms start uh or these different different behaviors start as economic incentives so in the in what happened with women and the plow at the beginning it wasn’t that uh there wasn’t uh or we don’t think that there weren’t a lot of cultural meanings of femininity or masculinity links to the plow itself but the plow was easier to carry by men so because it was more intensive of an upper body strength which men have more so at the beginning it made economic sense for men to do that so it’s just with the codeword it’s a type of work but uh it might make more sense for men to do in terms of economic incentives and it might make more sense for women since there are so scarce and services are so profitable in a in a society where there are not enough women to do those services for free at home then it makes sense for women to work in the in this very profitable sector in the short run but then what happens the second takeaway of this literature is that um once this uh behaviors start because of an economic motivation they tend to be uh somewhat sticky not 100 percent sticky they can’t evolve with pain but there is a sort of stickiness of people think that the way their parents do things or the the people that the way that things have been done are the ways that are the way that things should be done so there’s a part of the persistence in this behavior that’s uh that is there once the initial economic incentives have disappeared and in the case of the gold rush by 1940 gold wasn’t an important source of economic growth in the region and there weren’t and less than five less than one percent of the population worked in mainz but we still see divergence in the marriage rates and then the fertility rates and depressed uh female labor force participation so i think it’s actually interesting that for example the serbia sector boom uh didn’t stick culturally uh in that region we don’t see that difference in the long run that was they worked there well it was uh well there weren’t enough women to marry and then that dissipated and um and i think that and like i said it’s it speaks to uh if we’re interested in in female labor force participation um it’s it’s a hard one to to to incentivize uh because a lot of inertia and a lot of social processes converge towards female not participating in in the labor force hernan we have a last question hi thanks for for the presentation it’s a great work and i think that my last question i am going to is it to previous questions and one that jorge posted there so there is a carbon copy historically probably of your research so basically at this part i i have to say it’s spanish that that has to be a place where the the sex ratio was the opposite and my intuition is like what happened because previous two to to to your years of study was the mexican-american war and most likely the men came from mexico uh so probably in mexico was the opposite sex ratio during that time i don’t know if you know about this um and i think that maybe the impact in mexico might might have been longer living because well i i’m now in aguas calientes i have to move to mexico city in some months but but here in los altos jalisco you have areas that are main exporting areas and they have been been exporting areas for more than 100 or 200 years it will be interesting to know if like what happened or if you have any idea if you have the opposite like sex ratio on the main exporting areas yes so the um about the historical sex ratio there were a lot of mexicans and a lot of chinese uh people in the in the countries and they were men from other states in the us um but also men from europe and the countries like looking at this when constructing this uh like ethnicity difference in means graph uh there were there is a in this in this book about the gold rush called the roaring camp camp sorry the first chapter is the world rushed in which is a phrase that is i believe is quite accurate because people beat russian from all over the world so i am not sure if we could find like uh it will be hard to see what happened in the origin places except for probably mexico china and the u.s where there were like like the strongest uh groups but but i think that that would certainly be a fun a fun research uh question uh to answer and certainly in more uh more modern phenomena that are not necessarily mineral resource driven but we do see in mexico we do observe skewed sex ratios in in many parts that is a sad combination of uh violence of drug violence killing young men and men migrating to the to the us to work so that is definitely an interesting question for future research to see how um toxin migration from mexican men to the us affects gender norms i think there is i think there is already some work on that but definitely there is a lot more to do about about this this phenomenon because it is prevalent it is prevalent in mexico there is a missing man uh phenomenon uh in in many areas of mexico i like are no more questions you are muted and that was one of jorge in the chat and i think that is in some way related because he said colombia nowadays i leave some some kind of gold rush uh situation and i i will add guyana that is probably the biggest oil rush in latin america for the last few years well i don’t know sandra if you want to say something about jorge’s question he’s saying uh we’re thinking in a country like colombia that has some moments of rush mainly for oil but also other natural resources such as gold or colton that are associated to internal migration how can we use these results to understand patterns in current situations so well that’s that’s a large the big question i i hope we hope that our research we always compare research has implications for uh for doing like to unders to use historical results to understand what what is happening and what might happen in the in the present i don’t know enough about the colombian context to tell you all the this is the line that that connects it but um what i would say is that um if the pattern corresponded to what we observed in the gold rush and in other booms and the historical booms in resources uh is something that seems to be the resource part seems to be good for women at the beginning because they have a profitable service sector in and they can participate but unless there is some policy uh driven efforts to change the culture uh about women belong in the home and then belong in the marketplace then any economic boom that temporarily gives economic incentives for women to participate if if uh the future repeats history it won’t be uh it won’t be long lived and what we end up having is uh persistent uh lower level levels of female labor force participation um in this in this type of uh in this type of regions so i would say that um that to me it is important uh the poli policies that uh facilitates uh women’s female workforce participation and um but if that is if that interests you as a policy maker the culture about gender roles like trying to flexible life let’s see lies ah gender norms great thank you so much sandra i think i mean we’re just on time to finish here uh thanks everyone who joined us today uh great presentation great discussion so hope to see you very soon here in colombia thank you so much once again thank you all come on


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Seminario WinEED-EfD | The Evolution and Persistence of Women´s Roles: Evidence from the Gold Rush
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